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Ms. Heather McPherson (Edmonton Strathcona, NDP)

Jan/31/22 9:02:18 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I would like to thank the minister for his intervention this evening and for providing some clarity for us on Canada's intentions with regard to international development. However, I would be remiss if I did not raise the fact that right now Canada is giving a very low amount of overseas development assistance. We are at 0.31% of GNI, which is much lower than we should be at, and much lower than the government has repeatedly promised to get to. While what we are seeing in Ukraine right now is a very urgent need, I think what we can be very clear on is that there is going to be more conflict around the world. The best way we can deal with conflict is to prevent it from happening, and international development plays a key role in that. Will the minister commit on behalf of the Government of Canada to increasing our overseas development assistance to be able to fully implement the feminist international assistance policy?

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Hon. Harjit S. Sajjan

Jan/31/22 9:03:19 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I agree with the hon. member that it is very important for all of us to work toward preventing conflict. This is why our government has increased our international development funding, and the Speech from the Throne has also mentioned this. I look forward to working with the member to look at other conflicts. However, in particular, in Ukraine, we have stepped up and we will look at other opportunities as the situation changes.

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Mr. Stéphane Bergeron (Montarville, BQ)

Jan/31/22 9:03:46 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I would like to thank the minister for his remarks, which I actually found very refreshing. Throughout this evening's debate, our government colleagues have talked about diplomacy and deterrence. They have actually talked more about deterrence than diplomacy, but they have not been clear about what they mean by deterrence. In other words, what I am hearing is deeply acrimonious and aggressive messaging at a time when, from a diplomatic perspective, there should be more emphasis on calls for discussion and dialogue. As I understand it, the minister is pledging more money to support people in difficult situations, such as those resulting from the pressures exerted by the massive Russian presence at the border and those Ukrainians face in their day-to-day lives. To pick up on what my NDP colleague said, what concrete action will the government take to move beyond words and really help people in need on the ground?

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Hon. Harjit S. Sajjan

Jan/31/22 9:05:18 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, our government's response is comprehensive. I have had the opportunity to visit Ukraine on many occasions. I am very proud of the time I had there. I had the opportunity to attend President Zelensky's inauguration, and I took my daughter to an event in Toronto where he spoke because this is an all-Canadian effort. Yes, we are very proud of the work that we are doing with Operation Unifier and trade, but also of the development of support that is needed right now. We will continue to evolve our support as the situation changes.

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Hon. Randy Boissonnault (Minister of Tourism and Associate Minister of Finance, Lib.)

Jan/31/22 9:06:05 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I appreciate the opportunity to join in this important take-note debate this evening. This debate comes at a moment of deep anxiety for people across the country. Ukrainian Canadians across the country fear for their friends and families back in Ukraine. As an MP from Edmonton, I have spent my whole life surrounded by the beauty of the Ukrainian culture, growing up with Ukrainian speakers and Ukrainian friends. It is an essential part of tapestry of our community. At this time it is crucial that we stand with our Ukrainian friends and with the entire diaspora around the world. It is important for us to make very clear that the situation itself is clear and stark. Russia is the aggressor, and Ukraine is the victim. Russia's military buildup recently announced during military exercises at Belarus, hybrid attacks on Ukrainian government websites, propaganda and disinformation campaigns and its weaponization of energy all represent a direct threat to the Ukrainian people. This is also occurring against the backdrop of Russia's ongoing aggression with Ukraine, including its attempted annexation of illegal occupation of Crimea in 2014, its support for military formations in eastern Ukraine and human rights violations. Canada's response to this crisis is guided by the following principles: seeking diplomatic resolution, preparing tough deterrents to support diplomacy, and providing additional support to Ukraine. Our allies and our partners have engaged in intense diplomacy along several tracks, including at the NATO Russia council. However, we will not compromise on the fundamental principles of sovereignty, self-determination and a country's right to forge its own path. These principles are enshrined in the UN Charter and are non-negotiable. At a council meeting on January 17, we offered Russia three new meetings to discuss NATO Russia relations, the security situation in Europe, as well as risk reduction, transparency, arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation. Russia has yet to accept any of these meetings. The Minister of Foreign Affairs recently travelled to Kiev, Paris and Brussels to continue to advance Canada's ongoing efforts towards a diplomatic solution to the crisis. In her meetings with Ukraine's President Zelensky and Foreign Minister Kuleba, the minister underscored Canada's steadfast commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence. We have always been clear that there is only one way forward and that is for Russia to de-escalate. It is Russia that invaded Georgia in 2008, and it is Russia that violates international law every day as it continues to occupy parts of Ukraine's territory. Canada is taking action and has offered Ukraine a sovereign loan of $120 million as of January 21 in response to President Zelensky's request for additional support. This loan will reinforce Ukraine's domestic stability and support the country's economic resilience and governance reforms. A secure, peaceful and prosperous Ukraine strengthens our shared transatlantic security, which Canada has a vested interest in promoting and protecting. In this work, I want to underscore the importance of unity and coordination with our partners on firm and severe response measures. Canada has also been working closely with many like-minded countries to develop a set of robust and concrete punitive measures, chief among them are economic sanctions. We are prepared to meet further Russian military action with immediate and harsh sanctions that target individuals and entities linked to key sections of the Russian economy. All options are on the table. Our engagement was further reinforced by the announcement of the extension and expansion of Operation Unifier to provide enhanced military training and mentorship to Ukraine's security forces through to the end of March 2025. Canada will continue to work with our allies and partners including the G7, the EU, NATO, OSCE and the UN, along with the international community writ large to coordinate our responses and continue to push Russia to come to the table to dialogue or face severe consequences and costs. However, it is ultimately Russia's choice to de-escalate this crisis and we are ready to meet Russia on either path. We urge Russia to adhere to its international commitments, including those under the OSCE Helsinki Act, the OSCE Vienna Document and the Minsk Agreement for a peaceful resolution to the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Canada will be steadfast in our support of Ukraine sovereignty, territorial integrity and self-determination.

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Mr. Fraser Tolmie (Moose Jaw—Lake Centre—Lanigan, CPC)

Jan/31/22 9:11:26 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, what is the government's priority? Is it the self-determination of the people in Ukraine, or allowing for aggression and bullying from Russia?

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Hon. Randy Boissonnault

Jan/31/22 9:11:41 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I think the stakes are very stark in this conflict, and it is pretty clear to us on the government side that this is a battle of authoritarianism versus democracy. I know personally that this is the biggest test for western democracies in my lifetime. We need to stand together with our partners in western and eastern Europe against Russian aggression. The world is watching and we need to get this right. We are steadfastly committed to a peaceful, de-escalated resolution to the situation, and we must not stand for increased Russian aggression in Ukraine.

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Ms. Lindsay Mathyssen (London—Fanshawe, NDP)

Jan/31/22 9:12:34 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, New Democrats have called for and support many of the actions that are being taken by the government. One of the things we have called for is the use of Magnitsky sanctions. This has not been used by the government since 2018. It is a clear and strong tool that Canada could use against human rights violators. Why is the government not going forward with this reaction?

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Hon. Randy Boissonnault

Jan/31/22 9:13:03 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I thank the hon. member for her support and very important question. If we take a look back at Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014, Canada did indeed impose sanctions on more than 440 individuals and entities, many in coordination with our allies. Just to give some subtext on that, Canada had sanctioned 120 individuals and 81 entities related to Russia's violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Ukraine. We sanctioned 202 individuals and 42 entities related to Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russian occupation in parts of eastern Ukraine. We have been very clear, as a government, that should Russia increase its aggression in Ukraine, it will be met with stiff and severe economic sanctions in coordination with our international partners.

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Ms. Rachel Bendayan (Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Tourism and Associate Minister of Finance, Lib.)

Jan/31/22 9:14:04 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I would like to highlight, as many have, the important contribution of the Ukrainian Canadian community to building the Prairies in Alberta. That community continues to add so much to the vibrancy of the Prairies. Could the minister comment on what he is hearing on the ground? We know that in Alberta there are 370,000 Ukrainian Canadians living in the province. I am sure that the minister is bringing their voices to cabinet, and I would like to hear from the minister what specific requests they are making to him and what they would like to see from our government.

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Hon. Randy Boissonnault

Jan/31/22 9:14:51 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I thank the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Tourism and Associate Minister of Finance for the very kind question. I see that the member of Parliament for Winnipeg South is there even with his hand up, and I have to say that he was the moderator of a very moving and important conversation at a Zoom town hall that we held across the west with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Deputy Prime Minister, the Minister of Emergency Preparedness and the MP for Winnipeg South Centre. We had 500 people in that Zoom meeting. With 130-some years of waves of immigrants from Ukraine, that means that if one is in the west, they probably eat pedaheh and holubtsi. I go to French Canadian weddings and I can tell members that Ukrainian food is a staple. It is because we are all knitted together. The community is nervous. It is frightened. It is afraid for the people and family they have in Ukraine. They have asked us to stay very close to what the Ukrainian government has asked us to do. That is why, in maybe a historic amount of time, our government was able to deliver a $120-million loan, and I thank the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs for that. We are going to watch the situation carefully. We are going to stay very closely connected to community leaders, like the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, both here in Edmonton and Calgary, in Alberta, across the west and across the country.

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Hon. Michael Chong (Wellington—Halton Hills, CPC)

Jan/31/22 9:16:26 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I will be splitting my time with the member for Lakeland. Canada's security is inextricably linked to that of Europe and it has been for centuries. Once, the conflicts between the French and British empires had a direct impact on us here on this continent, and conflicts between the Spanish empire and other empires have had a direct impact on the security on this continent. Today, our security is inextricably linked to that of Europe. In the last century, in the First and Second World Wars, Canada's security was inextricably linked to that of Europe. We all know the names of places where Canadian blood was shed in defence of this country and its values, names like Passchendaele, Vimy Ridge and the Battle of the Somme. We can think about the Second World War and the names that are indelibly etched into the minds of Canadians, names like Juno Beach, Normandy and Arnhem. In fact, it was Canadian soldiers who, in 1945, liberated the Netherlands. Some 7,000 Canadian soldiers died in the canals, the fields and the villages of the Netherlands liberating the Dutch from the tyranny of Nazism. In the 20th Century, some 100,000 Canadians died defending this country in two world wars: 60,000 Canadians died on the battlefields of France in the First World War and some 40,000 Canadians died around the world during the Second World War, most of them in Europe. Almost all of those Canadians are buried in graves that dot the Normandy coastline, the fields of Normandy, the Netherlands, Italy and many other places throughout Europe. After the First World War, because of the blood that had been shed, Canada began to gain her independence. The Balfour Declaration led to the Statute of Westminster and eventually to Canada's independence from the United Kingdom. After the Second World War, because of the high price we paid, we were a founding member, in 1949, of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Canada played and continues to play a key role in peace and security across Europe. In fact, Canada has contributed to every single NATO mission since the alliance’s inception in 1949. We are one of only two countries that are non-European members of the NATO alliance, and now NATO is being threatened. An estimated 130,000 Russian troops are built up on the Ukrainian border, and we have a government that has failed to take any real action to support Ukraine. We are facing a situation today of grave consequence. While the government, on January 21, announced a loan of $120 million to Ukraine, and while it recently announced the extension and expansion of Operation Unifier, it has failed to grant the key request of the Government of Ukraine, which is to provide lethal defensive weapons to Ukraine for its defence. The United States has provided some $650 million in defence equipment, $200 million of which is lethal aid for Ukraine. The United Kingdom has supplied lethal aid and lethal weapons in the form of anti-tank weapons. Others, such as Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and the Czech Republic, have also provided lethal weapons. Diplomacy that is not backed up by credible threats to use military force, and in limited and rare circumstances the use of that force, is naive talk and empty rhetoric. That empty talk and rhetoric will result in damage to Canada's security and the security of Europe and Ukraine. That is what a previous generation of Canadians understood in 1945 when they created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization out of the bloodshed that had happened in the previous 50 years. That is not something the Prime Minister understands. He has said this will only be solved through diplomacy, not through the threat of force to defend democracy. I urge the government to get off of its naive position, defend the rules-based international order and ensure that lethal defensive weaponry is provided to a democracy, to Ukraine, in order to uphold that order.

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Hon. John McKay (Scarborough—Guildwood, Lib.)

Jan/31/22 9:21:46 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, the hon. member's speech was thoughtful and historical. I want to get his views on a quote by Henry Kissinger where nations do not have friends or enemies, that they only have interests. I would like him to articulate, as the member for Etobicoke Centre did, why it is in Canada's best interest that we give full-throated support to Ukraine.

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Hon. Michael Chong

Jan/31/22 9:22:21 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, the answer to the question is simple. For centuries Canada's security, the safety and security of our citizens and the safety and security of our borders have been inextricably tied to that of Europe. If democracies in Europe are being threatened with an attack, with invasion, then Canada must stand up not only for the security of those nations in Europe but for the security of Canadians here at home and provide all assistance necessary to ensure that happens; assistance including diplomacy, humanitarian aid and assistance including the threat of use of force and lethal defensive weapons as the Government of Ukraine has requested.

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Mr. James Bezan (Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman, CPC)

Jan/31/22 9:23:34 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, the member has been a great, reasonable voice on foreign affairs in our caucus and in this House. I know that he takes what is happening in Ukraine very seriously, as he just articulated. Perhaps he could elaborate. The world is watching what happens right now in Ukraine. Despots around the world are waiting to see what NATO and the alliance does in response to these threats from the Russian Federation and Vladimir Putin in particular. If we are not able to contain this situation and protect Ukraine's sovereign territory and the people of Ukraine, what possibly could happen by other despots who see the position that Canada has taken and other nations as weak?

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Hon. Michael Chong

Jan/31/22 9:24:29 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I could not agree with my colleague more. In fact, what is going on right now often reminds me of the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s where the duly elected and recognized government of Spain, the republican government of Spain, was under threat from the nationalists, from a civil war and a coup d'état that had erupted, led by Spanish generals. Spanish republicans pleaded to western democracies to provide lethal defensive weapons, lethal military weapons, for the defence of Spanish republicans, but democracies in the 1930s turned a blind eye and refused those military weapons. Germany and Italy, being fascist powers at the time, sent plenty of weapons to the nationalists who eventually triumphed, leading into the dark events of the war of 1939 to 1945. When I hear about governments and democracies refusing to send lethal defensive weapons to a fellow democracy under threat from another authoritarian regime, it brings me back to that period of time in the 1930s where we as democracies turned a blind eye to rising authoritarianism in Europe and paid a very high price over the subsequent six years to 1945. That is the lesson we have failed to heed from the situation that is currently unfolding in eastern Europe.

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Mrs. Shannon Stubbs (Lakeland, CPC)

Jan/31/22 9:26:11 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I thank the member for Wellington—Halton Hills for his leadership and this opportunity. This debate is urgent and personal. Lakeland has deep connections with Ukraine. In 1891, 125 Ukrainian families first came to Lamont County, called the cradle of Ukrainian settlement in Canada, where I grew up. In 1903, my father-in-law's Satskyv family came by train to Innisfree to farm. By 1930, the more than 50,000 Ukrainians in Alberta were the biggest community outside Ukraine. It is as strong as ever in Lakeland. From churches and festivals, the Ukrainian village, the ancestral home built by former Premier Ed Stelmach's grandparents, the Victoria settlement near Smoky Lake and St. Paul's Garlic Dome to the world's largest pysanka in Vegreville, Glendon's giant perogie, and Mundare's kolbassa, symbols of Ukrainian food, faith, family, language and culture help define Lakeland. Today, outside of Ukraine and Russia, Canada has the world's largest Ukrainian population of more than a million people. Historically, Canada stood with Ukraine to defend its territory and democracy. Almost three decades ago, under Prime Minister Brian Mulroney's Progressive Conservative government, Canada was the first western country to recognize Ukraine's independence from Russian only one day after an overwhelming declaration from the Ukrainian people. Canada's support was immediate and unequivocal. In 2014, Russia's illegal occupation of Crimea was met with a swift, powerful response from Prime Minister Stephen Harper's Conservative government. He led the charge to boot Russia out of the G8, pledged millions of dollars in military trainers and other aid and imposed sweeping sanctions against hundreds of individuals and entities. He did not pull any punches with Putin at the G20 later that year and told him to his face to get out of Ukraine. He said, “Whether it takes five months or 50 years, Canada will never accept the illegal occupation of Ukrainian territory by Russia.” Two years ago, he warned, “Ukraine's struggle is not over. We must continue to stand with the people of Ukraine in the face of ongoing aggression from the Putin regime.” Today those prophetic words fall on the deaf ears of the current Liberal government like the pleas from Ukrainians in Lakeland and across Canada. Natalia from Vegreville emailed me. She wants Canada to take a leadership role in support of Ukraine's independence and in defence of Ukraine's territory and to increase sanctions and military equipment and defensive weapons for Ukraine, among other measures. Vegreville has significant Ukrainian history and is a sister city to Kolomyya, Ukraine. Last spring, Vegreville hosted the red carpet premier of Troy Ruptash's award-winning film They Who Surround Us, which tells the story of a grieving Ukrainian farmer in Alberta who loses his wife in a tragic accident. He relives the trauma from his childhood in Ukraine of being dragged from his home with his sister and mother by Russian invaders. When it ended, there was not a dry eye in the room. The people of Lakeland are standing with Ukraine, and they expect their government to do the same. A constituent, Janet, wrote to me, imploring the Canadian government to do more. She said that Ukrainians “have the will and passion to fight, but not the army to defend against Russia's might. Needlessly, young people and their future will die if the world does not help. We must not forget them.” Well, Conservatives will not abandon Ukraine, nor will we forget the Ukrainian people. Last April, we condemned Russia's expansion of its illegal military presence in Crimea and called on the Liberals to counter with an increase in military defensive aid and to re-offer RADARSAT imaging to help identify Russian troop and equipment movements. Two weeks ago, in response to another build-up of Russian troops at Ukraine's border, Conservatives again called on the Liberals to expand Operation Unifier, restore RADARSAT imaging, give Ukraine lethal defensive weapons and use Magnitsky sanctions. The Liberals first only offered a small loan that was politely welcomed by Ukraine's president, then non-lethal equipment, a small expansion of Operation Unifier's standard renewal, some humanitarian assistance and only 60 troops. That is not enough. Ukraine is facing 130,000 Russian troops. Their embassy said, “We need to defend our land. The U.K. and U.S. have already shipped the military equipment and we would appreciate if Canada follows suit.” The Liberals are ready to fall short again in another abrogation of Canada's proud heritage of actually leading and in joining allies when it matters most. For generations, Canadians have been world-renowned for their extraordinary efforts in defending freedom, equality, democracy, human rights and sovereignty, and punching above our weight no matter the strength of the foe. Those values, that courage and that moral compass are still in the hearts of the Canadian people, the Canadian Armed Forces and our international and diplomatic service. The Liberal government must stand with Ukraine and with all Ukrainian Canadians with real action.

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Mr. Yvan Baker (Etobicoke Centre, Lib.)

Jan/31/22 9:31:10 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, it was wonderful to hear, particularly in the first part of the member's remarks, a bit about her community of Lakeland and the Ukrainian heritage that so many people in Lakeland value and share, how they celebrate that, and how that inspires their concern for what is happening right now in Ukraine. Could the member speak a bit about sanctions? She mentioned briefly in her remarks the need for sanctions. Over the course of the last few years, the government has sanctioned about 440 individuals and entities, mostly Russian but some Ukrainian as well, who were involved in threatening Ukraine's sovereignty and violating human rights. I wonder if the member could speak to what additional sanctions she would like to see and if there are any particular groups or entities she would like sanctioned.

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Mrs. Shannon Stubbs

Jan/31/22 9:32:14 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I would say that it is not only about sanctions. The response of the Canadian government must be multipronged. Sanctions are only one among the vast array of tools that Canada has to show real solidarity to defend the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The request is very clear, as the top priority, for lethal weapons. At least nine other countries in the world, including the U.S. and the U.K., have ensured that the military equipment the Ukrainian people require to defend themselves is there. Canada should be at the front of the pack.

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Ms. Heather McPherson (Edmonton Strathcona, NDP)

Jan/31/22 9:33:07 p.m.
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Mr. Chair, I know that my colleague, the member for Lakeland, has as many Ukrainians in her constituency as I do in mine. It was lovely to hear that commitment to the Ukrainian diaspora in her community. The member will not be surprised when I talk about the need for de-escalation and the need for a peaceful resolution on this conflict. She spoke about the tools that we have in our tool box and all of the things that we could be doing. From her perspective as a member of the Conservative Party, what are those things that Canada should be doing to de-escalate? Aside from providing weapons, aside from escalating with lethal-force weapons, what are those things that she sees that the government should be doing to de-escalate and to turn down the temperature on the conflict happening in Ukraine?

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