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Decentralized Democracy

House Hansard - 188

44th Parl. 1st Sess.
May 1, 2023 11:00AM
  • May/1/23 6:35:41 p.m.
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The hon. member is asking a question. He is making a comment and asking a question of the hon. member for Kamloops—Thompson—Cariboo. The hon. member for Rimouski-Neigette—Témiscouata—Les Basques.
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  • May/1/23 6:35:54 p.m.
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  • Re: Bill C-47 
Madam Speaker, the member is part of the New Democratic Party, but it is not very democratic to talk while other members are talking. Once again, the new gag order party—
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  • May/1/23 6:36:07 p.m.
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Order. The hon. member for Timmins—James Bay on a point of order.
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  • May/1/23 6:36:11 p.m.
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  • Re: Bill C-47 
Madam Speaker, I want to apologize to you as Speaker. You are an excellent Speaker. I misunderstood and thought the member was asking me a question, for which I am more than ready. However, I want to apologize to you. I trust your leadership in the chair.
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  • May/1/23 6:36:22 p.m.
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The hon. member for Rimouski-Neigette—Témiscouata—Les Basques.
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  • May/1/23 6:36:31 p.m.
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  • Re: Bill C-47 
Madam Speaker, we hope to exercise our democratic right in the House. We do not want to be gagged and we do not want to have to repeatedly rise on points of order, as my colleague from Timmins—James Bay has been trying to do in the last few seconds. My colleague—
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  • May/1/23 6:36:49 p.m.
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It is a question of politeness, more than even order, to let someone finish a question. I would ask everyone to please remain silent. The hon. member for Rimouski-Neigette—Témiscouata—Les Basques.
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  • May/1/23 6:37:01 p.m.
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  • Re: Bill C-47 
Madam Speaker, I have a great deal of respect for you and the office you hold. However, my colleague's behaviour is completely unacceptable. I hope that you are taking note of it. My colleagues in the House noticed it, as have I. Here is the question that I have for my colleague. We are currently experiencing a housing crisis. There are no new investments in the most recent federal budget to address that crisis. In Rimouski, in my riding, we have a record vacancy rate of 0.4%. I would like my colleague to tell us why the government has not done anything or invested anything in the most recent budget to create—
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  • May/1/23 6:37:41 p.m.
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Order. The hon. member for Kamloops—Thompson—Cariboo.
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  • May/1/23 6:37:44 p.m.
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  • Re: Bill C-47 
Madam Speaker, I apologize that I cannot answer fully in French. When it comes to housing, this is what I would say. I have done a fair amount of digging when it comes to my home riding of Kamloops—Thompson—Cariboo. Within my home riding, I have talked to people, even developers, who will say that one of the biggest impediments to developing land is municipal issues and provincial and federal regulations. When the Conservative leader talks about gatekeepers, he is talking about removing those things. I have been told that about half of the fees associated with the price of land actually relate to government regulations. What I would say to my hon. colleague is that the federal government has a role to play in terms of what it invests, but also how it asks the municipalities and provinces to invest money so that they can make things more efficient. It is supply and demand, so let us get those houses built.
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  • May/1/23 6:38:52 p.m.
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  • Re: Bill C-47 
Madam Speaker, the member for Kamloops—Thompson—Cariboo briefly mentioned health care and seemed to indicate that we were spending too much money on health care. I am wondering what he had in mind for health care. If we want to move to a more private health care system, like the States, they spend twice as much on health care per capita than we do and they have a poorer outcome. Their life expectancy is five years less. I am wondering what the member's plans are for health care.
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  • May/1/23 6:39:33 p.m.
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  • Re: Bill C-47 
Madam Speaker, the point I was trying to make was not that we are spending too much on health care. The point I was trying to make is that health care is one of the most pivotal needs in this country. Health care, housing and cost of living are what my constituents are telling me about. What I was trying to draw to the attention of the House and my hon. colleague is the fact that we are now spending as much money servicing the debt, the debt that the NDP is voting for, as we are on health care, and that is problematic.
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  • May/1/23 6:40:10 p.m.
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  • Re: Bill C-47 
Madam Speaker, it is a privilege to lend my voice today in support of Bill C-47, the budget implementation act, on behalf of the government and on behalf of my community of Newmarket—Aurora. Budget 2023 is entitled “A Made-in-Canada Plan: Strong Middle Class, Affordable Economy, Healthy Future”. However, like many things done in Canada, this is a plan that has an impact extending far beyond our borders, and that is because, in order for us to have a healthy future, we must have a healthy world, a world based on the rule of law where no people or nation can be threatened, subjugated or destroyed by illegal acts of aggression. That is why, since Russia's illegal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Canada has supported the people of Ukraine as they fight for their sovereignty and democracy, and for democracy around the world. Canada will stand with them for as long as it takes. With more than $8 billion in total aid, Canada has provided critical financial assistance to the Ukraine government and has provided significant military and humanitarian support. In particular, Canada has sanctioned over 1,800 individuals and entities since February 2022. We have played a key role in the development of price caps on Russian oil and petroleum products to deprive the Kremlin of revenues to fund its illegal war. In fact, on March 2, 2022, Canada became the first country to revoke Russian and Belarusian eligibility for most favoured nation status, placing Russia and Belarus in the same category as North Korea, and in turn applying the 35% general tariff to virtually all Russian and Belarusian imports. Similar measures were subsequently implemented by the United States, the United Kingdom and other major trading partners. Canada is playing a leading role in efforts to cut Russia off from the global economy and to hold Putin and his cronies accountable for their illegal war on Ukraine. With budget 2023, we are taking this measure one step further by proposing to amend the Customs Tariff to indefinitely extend the withdrawal of most favoured nation preferred tariff treatment for Russian and Belarusian imports. Bill C-47 would make this change a reality, and it needs our support as parliamentarians. Our government's efforts to secure a safer world also includes working with our partners on the Russian elites, proxies, and oligarchs, or REPO, task force to block or freeze more than 58 billion dollars' worth of assets from sanctioned individuals and entities. Budget 2023, once again, builds upon these efforts. It does so by proposing targeted changes in the Special Economic Measures Act and the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act, known as the Sergei Magnitsky Law, which would support the effectiveness of seizure, forfeiture and disposal framework introduced in 2022 as a means of holding Russia accountable for its illegal invasion of Ukraine. These changes represent an important step in strengthening our ability to pursue the assets of those who have enabled Russia's unjust war and to use them to help finance Ukrainian reconstruction. The budget also proposes to make a related amendment to the Proceeds of Crime (Money Laundering) and Terrorist Financing Act to aid in these efforts. The changes would require the Financial Transactions and Reports Analysis Centre of Canada to disclose information to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in certain circumstances. We are proposing these changes, because serious financial crimes, such as money laundering, terrorist financing and evasion of financial sanctions, threaten the safety of Canadians and the integrity of our financial system. Canada needs a comprehensive, responsive and modern system to counter these sophisticated, evolving threats.
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  • May/1/23 6:44:49 p.m.
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It being 6:45 p.m., pursuant to order made earlier today, it is my duty to interrupt the proceedings and put forthwith every question necessary to dispose of the second reading stage of the bill now before the House. The question is on the amendment. If a member of a recognized party present in the House wishes that the amendment be carried or carried on division, or wishes to request a recorded division, I invite them to rise and indicate it to the Chair.
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  • May/1/23 6:46:24 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, I request a recorded division.
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  • May/1/23 6:46:30 p.m.
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  • Re: Bill C-47 
Pursuant to order made on Thursday, June 23, 2022, the recorded division stands deferred until Tuesday, May 2, at the expiry of the time provided for Oral Questions. The hon. parliamentary secretary to the government House leader.
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  • May/1/23 6:46:48 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, I suspect that if you were to canvass the House, you would find unanimous consent to call it 7:00 p.m. so we could begin the late show.
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  • May/1/23 6:47:26 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, I rise today to speak about the Trudeau Foundation. The Trudeau Foundation is the talk of the town in many ways, so it is important to review what the foundation actually is because the Trudeau Foundation is a curious beast. As far as its structure and its governance goes, it is kind of a chameleon, conveniently identifying as a charity some of the time and as a government institution at other times. Similarly, the Prime Minister identifies as sort of involved and sort of not involved. These blurred lines make the Trudeau Foundation and, through it, the government, highly vulnerable to foreign interference. Let me explain. The Trudeau Foundation was created as a family foundation with a protected role in its governance for members of the Trudeau family. However, the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien, through minister Allan Rock, decided to give the foundation $125 million of taxpayers' money without actually changing the role of the Trudeau family in its governance. It became government-funded and, in law, a government institution, according to the Access to Information Act and the Privacy Act, but it retained a protected role in its governance for members of one family, making it a government-funded government institution, which is also a family foundation with a protected role in its governance for one family. I think that this is incredibly bizarre in a free, democratic and egalitarian nation. Giving members of one family privileged control of a government-funded government institution is not consistent with the idea of a just society. The Trudeau Foundation is controlled by 30 members. Up to four of those members are appointed by the Trudeau family, and six are appointed by the Minister of Industry. In its governance, the Trudeau Foundation directly fuses the intellectual estate of the Trudeau family with the Government of Canada, and that is just wrong. The Prime Minister himself, incredibly, is and remains a member of the Trudeau Foundation. He has professed repeatedly, and seems to want us to take at face value, the claim that he is not involved, not at all involved, in the Trudeau Foundation, that he has not been involved for years. That is wrong. He is involved. He is involved in a number of ways. First, the Prime Minister of Canada is necessarily involved, by virtue of the fact that he appoints the Minister of Industry, who appoints six members. He is involved because his brother is a member of the foundation and his half-sister is on the board of directors, and he is involved because he himself is a member of the foundation. He has not resigned. He remains a member of the foundation. It bears his name. Whether he goes to the meetings, the membership that he retains matters for effective control, should he choose to exercise it at any point. It demonstrates his deep, personal investment in the Trudeau Foundation. The personal investment is precisely why a foreign government has sought to curry favour with him through funnelling money to the Trudeau Foundation. The system is clearly broken and the worn-out talking points the government is using clearly do not hold water. The structure is quite evidently broken, even before we start talking about the issue of what happened in this instance of foreign interference because it is this crude hybrid between a family foundation and a government institution. Its charitable face elicits direct donations from foreign entities, while its government face sits by and smiles. The Prime Minister, known, by the way, for wearing many faces, smiles all the more. Canada Post would not collect money from foreign political parties nor would it allow members of a former prime minister's family to have a locked-in role in its leadership. That is because Canada Post is part of the government. The Canadian Cancer Society would potentially get donations from abroad, but it likely would not be a target for foreign interference because it is not closely tied to the government and does not bear the Prime Minister's name. It is purely a charity. One has roles for a government institution, and one has roles for a charity. The problem is that the Trudeau Foundation is trying to have its cake and eat it too. It is trying to be both. The vulnerabilities are not only obvious, they are built into the structure of this organization, and members of the Trudeau family exploited those vulnerabilities to take the foreign money. After attending a cash-for-access fundraiser with thePrime Minister
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  • May/1/23 6:51:24 p.m.
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The hon. parliamentary secretary to the government House leader.
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