SoVote

Decentralized Democracy

House Committee

44th Parl. 1st Sess.
October 3, 2023
  • 05:16:29 p.m.
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I would be happy to. Thank you, Ms. Dhillon. First of all, to Mr. Moore, the important takeaway from Bill S-12 is that the vast majority of individuals will remain registered. That's the first point. I say that because there's an automatic registration in two categories, and for everyone else you're going to get registered unless you can demonstrate a rebuttable presumption why you shouldn't because it would be overbroad or grossly disproportionate. That's important. Have we given it careful thought? Absolutely, we have, but the most reflection that I gave to the bill was simply the fact that the Supreme Court said, in its majority view, that lacking any judicial discretion is a violation of the charter under section 7, because it's overbroad and doesn't meet the minimal impairment test under section 1. Therefore, we had to make changes, and we've carefully tailored those changes in a manner that I believe conforms to the charter. Thank you, Ms. Dhillon.
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  • 05:17:24 p.m.
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Thank you, Minister. You spoke about something incredibly important that is long overdue. It's sextortion, which destroys lives not just in that moment but forever. It creates chaos in somebody's life and oftentimes leaves them in a very dark, negative place. I would like you to please tell us if these crimes have impacted Canadians in recent years and how this reform will help Canadians in cases of sextortion. Thank you.
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  • 05:18:01 p.m.
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Thank you, Ms. Dhillon. That's a really important question, because it shows us, as parliamentarians, demonstrating that we're supple enough to respond to the needs as they exist right now. Sextortion is a very problematic situation that's affecting children and young people and also adults around this country. The statistics that I've been shown from the Canadian Centre for Child Protection, Ms. Dhillon, indicate that they've received 3,400 reports of sextortion in the last year alone. That's 65 children victimized per week. That is unacceptable. Again, I speak to you as a father as well as a parliamentarian and the Minister of Justice that, with the advent of the Internet and smart phones, a lot of things happen, and sometimes unbeknownst to us. The fact that people are being made vulnerable in this manner is problematic. The acute response in this legislation is that now those who must be registered on the sex offender registry will include offences such as sextortion itself. That's really critical. There is a rebuttable presumption, so you will be included unless you can demonstrate why you shouldn't be. That will help keep those kids safe.
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  • 05:19:05 p.m.
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Talk to us a little bit about why it would be detrimental if the deadline of October 28 were not respected.
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  • 05:19:17 p.m.
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I'll just say, Ms. Dhillon, that this deadline is looming. It's at the end of the month. It would be detrimental, because the law enforcement community has reached out to me about bail, and we've responded with the bail package. They've reached out to me with respect to the sex offender registry. They've said that this registry provides them information that allows them to keep Canadians safe, particularly from sexual predators. If by October 28 we do not have royal assent on this bill, we will lose the ability to add names to that registry. That is detrimental, particularly when you consider the staggering statistic I put before you that between 40 and 70 individuals every week are being added to this registry. It shows you the number of sexual offences that are being committed in Canada. It also shows you the need to make sure that we have a database of information to help law enforcement keep people safe from repeat offenders.
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  • 05:20:06 p.m.
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Thank you very much. Can you talk to us quickly about the compliance warrant? What would it allow? How has law enforcement reacted to this? Thank you.
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  • 05:20:14 p.m.
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The compliance warrant is an interesting one. The law enforcement community reached out and said that they not only want this registry, but they also want the ability to act on the registry. They said it's sometimes difficult to get offenders to provide the registry with their information or to update their information. Bill S-12 will create a situation that authorizes the police to seek a warrant to arrest an offender who is non-compliant with their registry obligation and to bring them to a reporting centre to facilitate compliance. That's an important step. We don't want to have a situation where people are out there believing they can just flout the law. This compliance warrant measure allows us to provide an additional enforcement tool for law enforcement to maintain the integrity of the registry itself.
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  • 05:21:02 p.m.
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Thank you. I think I'm out of time.
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  • 05:21:03 p.m.
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Thank you very much. Monsieur Fortin is next.
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  • 05:21:07 p.m.
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Thank you, Madam Chair. Good afternoon, Minister. I too would like to congratulate you on your appointment as Minister of Justice. The members of the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights will be pleased to work with you. As you mentioned, we are at the pre-study phase with Bill S‑12, because it has not yet been referred back to us. I agree that it's a good idea to proceed in this manner. You were right to point out that the end-of-the-month deadline set by the Supreme Court of Canada would mean that it would no longer be possible to add sex offenders to the national sex offender registry, and that this would be problematic. We agree. However, can you explain why the bill was only introduced in the Senate on April 26, 2023, when the Supreme Court decision dates back to October 28, 2022, almost a year ago? That means there were six months between the time the Supreme Court ruled that the act had to be amended and the introduction of the bill. Can you explain why it took so long, Minister?
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  • 05:22:27 p.m.
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Thank you, Mr. Fortin, for your kind words and for your very important question. In order to prepare the bill and respond to the Supreme Court of Canada, many groups and organizations had to be consulted. Indeed, we consulted 31 such groups, including police organizations and Crown lawyers, representatives of victims groups, women's groups, defence lawyers groups, child protection groups and groups representing the 2SLGBTQ and other communities. All of these consultations took time. Time was also needed to draft a bill that would not only respond to the Supreme Court, but also broaden the application of current statutes to address issues like sextortion and the non-consensual sharing of a person's images. This was something we added after consulting people.
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  • 05:23:47 p.m.
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I understand what you're saying, and it makes sense to me. I'm sure that all kinds of consultations are needed before a bill like this one can be drafted. However, while everyone around the table agrees that it was urgent, it took six months to get around to introducing the bill. The Senate nevertheless managed to do some relatively rapid work on it because the bill was adopted on third reading on June 22, just prior to the summer recess. The Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights could have been consulted during the summer to speed things up, but it wasn't. My understanding is that it had to go through the House and that this was complicated. What I'm personally most unhappy about is how long it took for the bill to be introduced after everyone across Canada had become aware of the fact that there was an urgent situation. The Supreme Court told us what had to be changed, but six months were spent on consultations. Your explanation strikes me as credible, but I'm not sure that it's enough. In terms of credibility, I think the government was negligent for the first six months. And now, there's a push for the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights to speed things up and set things right. I'm displeased about it and just wanted to point that out to you. Having said that, as I have approximately two minutes left, I'd like you to explain something to me. You mentioned in your opening address that there might be a conflict of interest if Crown attorneys were to be required, as stated in the bill, to inform victims of the consequences of a publication ban and of any failure to comply with the ban. I find this conflict of interest rather surprising and wonder whether you could take a minute to explain to me why this is a conflict of interest. Isn't the Crown attorney supposed to be making sure that everyone understands what's going on? I had always understood that the Crown attorney had nothing to prove. That being the case, I don't understand why there would be a conflict of interest. I'll let you explain it and even perhaps suggest an alternative solution.
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  • 05:25:48 p.m.
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Okay. There are several aspects involved in answering this, Mr. Fortin. When we talk about conflicts of interest, it's one thing to explain what a publication ban is to a victim or to someone in court, but quite another matter to explain that if you do this or that, you might find that you have failed to comply with the ban. In such situations, the attorney is there not only to provide objective and neutral information, but also to give advice to the victim. It's the same office, and possibly even the same attorney, who may be there during the trial, if there is one, with the same people. Perhaps Mr. Caputo, Mr. Brock or Mr. Mendicino, who have experience in this area, could add further details. In connection with your first point, I would say that in instances where lifting a publication ban is desired in a particular set of circumstances, such as empowering a victim, the situation is rather sensitive. Publication bans are often used to protect the interests of victims, while ensuring that they are empowered and able to make their own decisions. To address contexts like these, more time was needed to draft the bill.
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  • 05:27:24 p.m.
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Thank you very much, Mr. Fortin. Next up is Mr. Garrison.
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  • 05:27:29 p.m.
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Thank you very much, Madam Chair. I'd certainly like to welcome you to your role as chair in our first public meeting. Of course, I'll echo the comments about welcoming the minister here today. With his previous experience on the committee, I'm sure he'll be willing to come back and speak to us many more times. As he's a new minister, there are several things I'd like to talk to him about, such as decriminalizing HIV non-disclosure, decriminalizing sex work, reforming our extradition laws and the bill that's before the House, Bill C-40, on the miscarriage of justice. However, I do accept the urgency with which we're dealing with Bill S-12, so I will limit my comments and questions to Bill S-12 today. I fully accept the urgency of maintaining the sex offender registry, but I thank you, Minister, for emphasizing that Bill S-12 not only preserves the registry but also improves the registry. We have had some cases in my riding where people have been added to the sex offender registry and no one in the community would reasonably believe that they should have been added. Sometimes those are people who are neurodiverse or who have intellectual disabilities and have ended up in the sex offender registry. I have spoken with advocates and those people. This bill will provide an opportunity, or that's the way I see it, for a judge to decide whether all those people should automatically be added. I just wondered if you were aware of those kinds of cases.
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  • 05:29:01 p.m.
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Let me say, first of all, thank you for your kind words, Mr. Garrison, and thank you to you and your colleague Laurel Collins for the extensive work both of you did in addressing the publication ban piece. Absolutely, I've heard about those cases, and I think that's why it's important. It dovetails a bit with Mr. Moore's earlier question and the idea of judicial discretion being an important backstop. I found it a bit troubling that the public safety committee study in this Parliament in 2010 suggested that there were two types of discretion at the time—prosecutorial and judicial—and suggested getting rid of prosecutorial, while maintaining judicial. The government at the time under Stephen Harper decided to get rid of all discretion altogether, and we now see the Supreme Court's response to that decision. Safeguarding the discretion but providing guardrails and criteria that surround it is really important, and one of the guardrails in the legislation is the age and personal characteristics of the victim. A judge needs to turn their mind to exactly that type of situation to determine whether the presumption should be rebutted and a person should not be added in a given context.
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  • 05:30:02 p.m.
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One of the results we've seen is that, sometimes, the limited resources we have and the limited resources law enforcement have are wasted when they're applied in a universal kind of manner, rather than picking out those who are at most risk of reoffending. I also want to say the second aspect of this bill is also urgent. Certainly, in the study on victims in this committee, we heard from the victims of sexual assault about what, I think, people haven't really thought about, which is people who were prosecuted for talking about their own sexual assault cases. Sometimes, this is a question of agency for them. They feel there's nothing shameful for them in what happened, and they would like to be able to speak about it. Sometimes, some of those victims felt it was a matter of public safety and that other members of their family or community needed to know about the case. By “publication ban”, we think of putting it on TV or putting it in a newspaper, but the publication ban meant that they couldn't talk about it with other people. I wonder if you're familiar with those prosecutions and restrictions on victims.
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  • 05:31:07 p.m.
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I absolutely am, and I'm informed by some of the work that was done at this committee. Perhaps you were here when Morrell Andrews testified at this committee in October, last year. Her quote was: Begging for my right to speak was humiliating. The court's dignifying the offender with an opportunity to argue why I should be permanently silenced was infuriating, dehumanizing and traumatizing. I told myself to remember what it felt like to be shattered by the legal system, and that one day—for myself, for others I have met and for those who would come after us—I would try to do something about it. I think this bill is doing something about it. Being a victim is never easy. We don't need to revictimize victims. What we're doing through this legislation, I believe, is empowering victims to take control of their own narrative. There are some guardrails surrounding that issue, and they're required when a publication ban being lifted might affect another individual, but fundamentally, this is about empowering victims and other witnesses who have already been traumatized and ensuring that we no longer traumatize them again.
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  • 05:32:07 p.m.
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Again, people are somewhat surprised by the number of cases. I wonder if you have any figures on the number of times publication bans have been imposed in Canada.
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  • 05:32:16 p.m.
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I don't have that, and Mr. Taylor is whispering in my ear that he doesn't have that either.
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