44th Parl. 1st Sess.
June 1, 2022 02:00PM
- Jun/1/22 7:43:35 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, Canada has long held the position that, in times of uncertainty, discord and doubt, our international relationships are more important than ever.
For over 70 years, the NATO alliance has afforded member states the opportunity to work together on our largest shared defence and security challenges, both on the battlefield and in the boardroom. Its impact and influence can be felt here in North America, across Europe and beyond.
We know how important this alliance is to our safety and global stability, so we, of course, welcome any changes that will make it stronger and safer, including the admission of Sweden and Finland into the alliance. As the Prime Minister recently noted, both countries have long-standing ties to NATO, making important contributions to NATO exercises and operations. We also closely align in our values, on the importance of peace, territorial integrity and upholding the rules-based international order.
It is clear that Europe and the entire world is under threat from Vladimir Putin's reckless and unprovoked war in Ukraine. This war is not just an attack on a smaller democratic neighbour. It is a very real threat to our rules-based international order, and the biggest threat since the end of the Cold War. It is also symptomatic of the resurgence of a great power competition, and the return of authoritarian states vying for influence and control through military might. These geopolitical shifts have reinforced just how important it is for all of us to work together to stand united against those who seek to redraw maps and rewrite history to suit their own needs.
In the face of these threats, the work we do as part of the NATO alliance is more important than ever. This includes the military support that Canada provides on land, sea and in the air to NATO missions in Europe and around the world. Our largest contribution is through Operation Reassurance, supporting assurance and deterrence measures in central and eastern Europe, letting our allies know that we will be there for them in good times and bad, and standing together against those who would seek to undermine our alliance or member states' security and sovereignty.
As part of this mission, we have almost 700 Canadian soldiers leading NATO's enhanced forward presence battle group in Latvia. Canadian military personnel stand shoulder-to-shoulder with soldiers from 10 NATO countries, demonstrating the strength of our alliance and protecting stability in the region.
Canada has played an important role in Latvia for five years, and we have recently expanded our efforts by deploying a battery of M777 artillery guns with forward observers and an electronic warfare troop. As part of our sea component of Operation Reassurance, we also have HMCS Montreal and HMCS Halifax deployed to Standing NATO Maritime Group One. In the air, we have a CP-140 Aurora long range patrol aircraft, and two CC-130 transport aircraft operating in the Euro-Atlantic area, and we look forward to resuming our enhanced air policing mission in Romania later this year. We also have 3,400 CAF members standing by for the NATO Response Force, should their support be required.
Our support for global peace and stability does not stop at NATO's borders. Since February 2022, we have committed hundreds of millions of dollars in military aid to Ukraine, including anti-tank weapons, rockets, M777 howitzers, drone cameras, 155 millimetre ammunition, rifles, armoured utility vehicles, satellite imagery and communications equipment. Some of this aid has already been delivered, and we are working hard to provide the rest as quickly as possible.
I am pleased to say that some of the military aid delivered comes from the $500 million that our government announced in the last federal budget. This is the case for the 20,000 rounds of 155 millimetre artillery that the Minister of National Defence recently announced, at the cost of $98 million, which will be crucial in Ukraine's fight to defend its eastern territory.
Prior to the war, we also helped train over 33,000 members of the Ukrainian security force through Operation Unifier, learning valuable skills from one another and supporting Ukrainian efforts to become stronger and better prepared to respond to Russia's aggression.
While Ukraine's success in holding back Russia is entirely its own, I know many CAF members are proud to have worked alongside those who are now on the front lines fighting for their freedom. We are all inspired by their bravery and their dedication. As I mentioned earlier, Finland and Sweden have long-standing ties to NATO and are among the alliance's most active partners. They are two of the six countries under the partnership interoperability initiative, which includes Ukraine and which makes particularly significant contributions to NATO.
Both countries field strong and capable militaries, whose soldiers have fought alongside ours in Afghanistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Libya. Other armed forces have worked extensively together on training, including NATO missions in Iraq. Our ties run even deeper. As Arctic nations, our long-standing co-operation has contributed to peace and stability in the Arctic. For these reasons and more, Canada unreservedly and enthusiastically supports Finland and Sweden's decision to pursue NATO membership.
In Ukraine, across Europe and around the globe, Canada supports our allies and partners, both on and off the battlefield. As we move forward, we will continue standing with them in the name of global peace and stability.
We know, as our biggest defence and security threats evolve, so too must the alliance evolve. To support these efforts and to keep peace with our allies, Canada is making new investments in defence, here at home, in North America and across the globe. In budget 2022, we announced a new investment package for defence worth $8 billion, as well as our plans to update Canada's defence policy, to become more responsive to the current defence and security environment.
Through these efforts, we will ensure that our people have the modern fit-for-purpose equipment they need when they deploy. We will also keep supporting NATO's diplomatic efforts, including welcoming Sweden and Finland into the alliance. We know we are stronger and more capable of tackling our biggest defence and security challenges when we work together with our like-minded allies and partners. Canada was one of the original founding members of NATO when the organization came into existence in 1949, and we remain just as dedicated to its success and to global peace and stability today.
In missions across the globe, including in central and eastern Europe, we work alongside NATO allies and partner countries to safeguard the alliance against external threats, including those stemming from Russia's aggressive actions in Ukraine.
While we live in a defensive and security environment defined by uncertainty, I remain optimistic that the values like peace, freedom, and adherence to the rules-based international order will win out against authoritarianism, doubt and division. The addition of two like-minded countries to our alliance makes this outcome all the more likely, and we are looking forward to supporting Finland and Sweden through the accession process.
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- Jun/1/22 8:10:20 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, my colleague from Wellington—Halton Hills has once again demonstrated his thorough understanding of international geopolitical matters. It is a pleasure to hear him speak.
He talked about how Turkey is a problem in the context of the motion we are debating. Today, he said the government should take the lead on resolving this issue. My colleague from Wellington—Halton Hills knows more about the government's leadership on international matters than most members of the House. In February 2021, when he moved his motion to denounce and condemn the Uighur genocide, all the ministers and the Prime Minister abstained from voting. That is not what I call leadership.
How confident is my colleague that the government will show leadership and deal with the problem with Turkey?
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- Jun/1/22 8:44:21 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, it is difficult to speak after my colleague from Saint-Jean. We can see how knowledgeable she is about this file. Although it would be impossible for me to match her presentation, I will try my best.
I just want to say that having this debate tonight is a good thing. It has been quite some time since we have had a debate where the five parties in the House, and I imagine that this is also the case for the Greens, all agree. We can really feel it. Yes, there are some details that will have to be worked out, but I believe that everyone here is ready to work together on that. It is fantastic, because this has not happened for a long time.
Unfortunately, it took a war to get everyone to agree. That is not as pleasant, but I will get back to my speech.
I think that the debate over allowing a new country to join NATO will be the hot topic of 2022. There was the west's dithering over Ukraine's future in NATO. Vladimir Putin may have used that as an excuse, but we are learning. I join all of my hon. colleagues in welcoming Sweden and Finland to our alliance. Based on what I have heard tonight, it is pretty clear that everyone agrees on this.
A number of people expressed doubts about this alliance recently. Now it is hard to question why it exists. It is more relevant than ever, especially in the face of a rogue state that is disrupting the world order we have been working to build for the past 30 years. NATO now serves as an umbrella organization for our allies to guarantee the safety of Europe, the Atlantic and, as my Conservative colleague mentioned, soon enough the Arctic.
The two membership applications that were submitted come from allies to Quebec and Canada. These countries are objective allies of NATO and of our interests in the Far North. Their application also serves as a powerful message against Putin's authoritarianism and the warmongering policies of his Kremlin. I say that it is his Kremlin, because it certainly does not reflect the people of Russia.
Traditionally, Finland and Sweden have been non-aligned countries. For more than 75 years, they have held fast to their neutrality—all through the Cold War, the fall of the USSR and the realignment of world powers. Setting aside this policy of neutrality is not insignificant. It is evidence of how serious the situation is and how important it is for countries bordering the Russian behemoth to ensure their security and safety. Considering the recent history and geopolitics of the region, it is clear that this is a legitimate and well-founded concern.
Finnish Prime Minister Sanna Marin said it better than I can. She says that everything changed when Russia attacked Ukraine. She personally thinks that no one can assume a peaceful future on Russia's borders. In her opinion, joining NATO is an act of peace so that there will never be another war in Finland.
The Swedish Prime Minister also sums it up well. To paraphrase her words, the best way to ensure the security and safety of the Swedish people is to join NATO with Finland.
When I hear these women say they want to join us, to join NATO, I have no choice but to listen. We all have to listen. To the south of us, the U.S. Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, also said that the United States supports Sweden's and Finland's applications. This is a strong endorsement that reaffirms my position and that of my political party. We must allow Sweden and Finland into our alliance.
The truth is, they already have a foot in the door. There is no reason to oppose this, because it is what they want and they meet the conditions. More importantly, their troops have already been participating in NATO exercises for decades. If these two allies join, it would certainly be a historic event that will define the political dynamics of the region. Hopefully, this will be the case for a long time to come. Let us also hope that it will curb Vladimir Putin's madness.
The strategy of accommodating Russia and pandering to its interests is well and truly over, and of course must never be repeated. Pressure on Russia is turning the tide in the war. The entire mobilization of the west for an independent, whole and sovereign Ukraine is our most powerful weapon. Dictators cannot imagine the power of unity. It is our duty to show them.
Bringing more countries into NATO signals unity. Let us be a parliament that shows leadership on this front.
There is a reason why I am talking about leadership. Too often, this government follows in other countries' footsteps. Consider my Conservative friends' 2021 motion on the Uighur genocide, which the Prime Minister and his cabinet abstained from voting on. I would actually like to thank the member for Wellington—Halton Hills once again for kindly allowing me to amend his motion in a gesture of solidarity with the Uighur people. Unfortunately, those on the other side of the House did not do likewise.
When we requested an airlift for Ukrainian refugees, we were told it would happen soon, but it was not until April, a month after the war started, that an announcement was made. A month later, there were still no flights. The war has been going on for three months now, and there have been only three charter flights. This government has an international leadership problem.
However, I have hope, because the government was quickly on board when Finland and Sweden asked to join NATO. We are here this evening because a motion was quickly moved by a government member. There is hope, then.
Let us look at what was done in the past. It is not often that a sovereignist boasts about this country's former federalist prime ministers. There was Lester B. Pearson, a Liberal, who established peacekeeping. That is a fine example of leadership. I want to be fair towards my Conservative friends and so I will mention Brian Mulroney, who seized the opportunity after Montreal's mayor, Jean Doré, spoke out against the apartheid regime in South Africa. The mayor was the first person to declare that his city would boycott South Africa. Brian Mulroney followed suit as head of government and declared that Canadians would join the boycott. At first, Brian Mulroney had few allies, but he spoke to Great Britain and the United States. That is an example of international leadership.
Now I am pleased to see that my friends in the government want to show leadership in the debate we are having this evening. I hope that this will continue, and I hope that it is not just lip service. I think that Canada does have a role to play in convincing Turkey not to stand in the way of Finland and Sweden joining NATO.
It is vitally important for these two countries to become members of the alliance. Earlier, my colleague from Saint-Jean demonstrated the geopolitical importance of letting them join, given the message this would send to the rest of the planet, especially Russia.
What goes for Russia goes for China as well. That too is important to note. By acting quickly, we are sending a message to Russia, China and the other dictatorships in the world that are currently violating the human rights of their own people.
This would be a good way to show leadership, and I think that we are on the right track. That is why we are here in the House this evening and seeing some cohesion between all the parties.
As I often say, when I get up in the morning, I see a little note on my bedside table that says, “Who do you work for?” I work for Quebeckers and for the people of Lac-Saint-Jean.
I know that my constituents value human rights, democracy and freedom. I will continue to work in support of these values for them, and I am pleased to see that everyone in the House is doing the same.
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- Jun/1/22 10:15:27 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, it is, as always, an honour to enter into debate in this place, especially when it comes to important issues such as the motion we are discussing tonight.
Before I get into the substance of my defence for this motion, I would like to highlight a couple of things. The fact is that over the past number of months, we have seen the security situation of our world evolve dramatically. In the circumstances that I and many of the younger individuals in this place grew up in, I do not remember a time, other than on maps that maybe were not quite up to date that we had in our social studies classrooms, when there was a Soviet Union. I know from those who may have a little more grey hair than I do the stories and the geopolitical reality that existed prior to the dramatic changes that took place at the end of the eighties and the beginning of the nineties.
Over the past number of months, we have seen a dramatic change. The peace and security of our world and the rules-based international order have truly been put at risk. When Russia invaded the sovereign country of Ukraine, I would suggest it sent a shock wave across the world that a red line had been crossed.
Debate has taken place in this place, and in parliaments and legislatures around the world, including, I would note, the Parliament of Ukraine. It has continued to function under what are circumstances that I am sure many of us within Canada's House of Commons, Canada's Parliament and many western democracies could hardly imagine. It has continued to function and ensure that, in the midst of what seem like insurmountable odds, democracy matters. It has continued to show that the rules-based international order matters. As we are specifically discussing tonight a motion that supports the entrance of Finland and Sweden into NATO, the treaty alliance that has demonstrated over its history that it has played a key and pivotal role in ensuring peace and security around the world, that peace and security, as I mentioned before, have been threatened.
I would note that my great uncle Ted gave something to me when I was 10 or 11 years old. He was a professor at the University of Toronto, who is now retired. He would visit us back home in east central Alberta. I would have a million questions when he would come during the summer, often spending a number of weeks. I would ask him questions about anything and everything. He happened to be a professor of Hebrew history, but was a very knowledgeable man on many subjects. In particular, one summer he brought a piece of the Berlin Wall and explained to me the significance of that piece of concrete, crumbling as it was.
When I got elected in 2019, I went, as I am sure many of us do, to the box where many things from my childhood and my past were stored and I got that old piece of concrete that was wrapped in plastic. I took it out and was able to get it put into a display. On that, I got a plaque with President Reagan's famous words asking Mr. Gorbachev to bring down that wall. That piece of the Berlin Wall sits in my office today as a constant reminder that this rules-based international order is not something that we can take for granted and that we have to continually and earnestly defend the peace and security that makes up our national democratic institutions. However, it is also a reminder that the world has enjoyed an unprecedented period of peace over the past seven decades or so, and of the significance of the disruption that is possible in light of what the developing circumstances are with Russia's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.
I certainly did not imagine, when I was elected to Parliament in 2019, that within a number of years we would be debating a war in Europe. The dynamics have certainly changed when it comes to where we find ourselves today. That is why it is so fitting to be able to debate and discuss what I hope will be an expedient admission of Finland and Sweden to NATO.
Only three months or so ago, even the talk of these two countries joining NATO would have been something that would have garnered international headlines and would have been called a provocation. We see how, in light of the circumstances our world finds itself in, that it appears to be, and I would suggest is, a necessity for the security of those two countries and the western world.
To provide context, although Finland and Sweden are not currently NATO members, I would like to note in the House this evening that they are active participants in the upholding of, as I have referred to, the international rules-based order. They have been collaborators with NATO and many of our objectives throughout the course of NATO's history. It is those things that I would suggest build a perfect resumé for what should be a speedy admission. For other countries that are now tasked with evaluating whether or not they should support these two countries' admission, if we look at their history I would suggest that their record speaks very strongly in favour of their expedient admission.
My speech up to this point has talked a lot about the impacts of this motion and the results it would have on the world, but it has specific relevance here at home as well. When it comes to domestic impacts, we think about northern sovereignty and how we share thousands of kilometres of our north, although not a land border, with our next-closest neighbour, Russia. Certainly since I have been elected, and as someone who has followed closely the situation in our north, there is without a shadow of a doubt threats that are current and present that we need to take as a country in terms of bolstering our military.
The previous speaker from Manitoba spoke very eloquently about ensuring that we have the military requirements, about meeting our 2% target and about those sorts of things. However, we have to be able to respond in a way that will ensure our national sovereignty: not just the thousands of kilometres of Arctic tundra in our north, but the fact that our sovereign borders do border, although by sea, a nation that has shown itself unwilling to abide by the common precepts of what national sovereignty should look like.
I would call as a challenge to all parties in the House, and especially the government and members of the cabinet, that I have heard a lot of tough talk over the course of the past number of months regarding the situation in Ukraine, but that has to be followed up by equally significant and tough action. Tough talk without action makes good headlines, but does not actually help the people of our nation, the people of Ukraine, the people of Finland or Sweden and it does not keep them any safer.
As I come to the conclusion of my speech, I would simply appeal to this place and to members of NATO that we look toward an expedient admission of Finland and Sweden to NATO for the peace and security of both our nation and the alliance that has helped provide peace and security over the past seven decades in our world.
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