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Decentralized Democracy

Hon. Robert Oliphant

  • Member of Parliament
  • Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs
  • Liberal
  • Don Valley West
  • Ontario
  • Voting Attendance: 58%
  • Expenses Last Quarter: $123,855.38

  • Government Page
  • Dec/13/22 10:49:16 a.m.
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Madam Speaker, as the government has said repeatedly in recent days, weeks and months, there is no place for foreign interference in Canada. There is no place for foreign intimidation in Canada. There is no place for the suppression of human rights by a foreign power in Canada. We will continue to act on that daily.
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  • Dec/13/22 10:47:14 a.m.
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Madam Speaker, the parliamentary secretary's comment references our new Indo-Pacific strategy, which I think is both a strong and brave document outlining our approach to the entire region. It highlights both economic opportunities and cultural engagement, while also reminding the whole world that Canada will always do those things ethically and with humans rights as our principle guiding force. Of course, we mention Taiwan. Of course, we mention Tibet and the aspirations of the people within that region. With respect to our ongoing dialogue, we will continue to recognize that, for a dialogue to happen, access has to happen. As I said, it was in October 2020 that Barton, the then ambassador to China, was able to travel to the autonomous region, Lhasa and the Shannan prefecture, and that was one example of how difficult it is to get in there. We need access for Tibetans to return. We need access for academics, human rights groups and independent NGOs to go in, assess the situation, assist and encourage the dialogue.
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  • Dec/13/22 10:45:35 a.m.
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Madam Speaker, the Government of Canada supports, fully, the middle way approach. This is our understanding of the best way to move forward for the rights of the Tibetan people. I do not think Canada, the Canadian Parliament or the Canadian government should ever dictate what happens in the solutions to these issues. That is for the Tibetan people to engage with themselves. We will be supportive. We will encourage. We will start with calling upon China to end its human rights abuses, and we will call for dialogue as we approach the middle way, which we fully support. That is Canada's call. In fact, the report was very short. We will simply say that we support the report and the resumption of the Sino-Tibetan dialogue, which we fully support leading toward the middle way.
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  • Dec/13/22 10:34:25 a.m.
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Madam Speaker, with unanimous consent, I would like to share my time with the member for Parkdale—High Park. I also just want to acknowledge the death of our colleague and friend, Jim Carr, the long-time member for Winnipeg South Centre. As I look over to the member for Notre-Dame-de-Grâce—Westmount and see the flowers on Jim's seat at his desk, I am moved by his sense of compassion, his intelligence and his ability to reach across this aisle to make sure we do things together in a productive and constructive way. I try to do that all the time. I fall short from time to time, but this morning I hope that we in the House will be tripping over ourselves in unanimity and in the sense that we stand together with the Tibetan people and their aspirations this day and every day. I am very pleased to have the opportunity to address the House on the subject of human rights in Tibet and the Government of Canada’s support of the foreign affairs and international development committee's recommendation for a resumption of a Sino-Tibetan dialogue process, which was suspended in 2010 by China. The Government of Canada remains deeply concerned about the harsh human rights situation currently affecting Tibetans, including the punishing restrictions on freedom of expression, freedom of religion or belief and the systematic and widespread repression of linguistic and cultural rights. Tensions between the Chinese government and Tibetans have remained high over several decades, the last 10 years particularly, which have been no exception. The Government of China continues to intensify its crackdown on Tibetans with increased surveillance, forced patriotic education and acts of protest by Tibetans, which could result in detention or worse. To the world’s horror, there have been more than 150 self-immolations by Tibetan Buddhists during this period. Canada continues to call on the Government of China to respect the rights of Tibetans, release prisoners of conscience and take steps to improve the human rights situation in Tibet. The Government of Canada has historically supported dialogue to resolve such issues. We maintain engagement with members of the Tibetan diaspora, including Tibetan Canadians, and organizations that study and support the Tibetan community abroad. Contact with this community remains important to the Government of Canada. It informs our approach to advocacy for rights and freedoms in Tibet. Canada recognizes the Dalai Lama as the important spiritual leader he is. I had the opportunity to meet him some 40 years ago and continue to be inspired by his intelligence, his wit and his wisdom. Canada bestowed honorary Canadian citizenship on the Tibetan spiritual leader, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, in 2006. While we know there are long-standing grievances between the Chinese government and the Central Tibetan Administration, which is the government in exile, and His Holiness, Canada has always supported and advocated for substantive and meaningful dialogue between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama or his representatives. The representatives of the Tibetan people have chosen to work toward a resolution of these issues that is acceptable to all sides. Canada’s approach to Sino-Tibetan relations is informed, of course, by our one China policy. Canada recognizes the People's Republic of China as the sole legitimate government of China, including the Tibetan Autonomous Region. However, at the same time, Canada recognizes Tibet’s distinct cultural identity, not as an independent political state separate from China, but as a distinct independent identity. While Canada does not recognize the Central Tibetan Administration, or CTA, as a political governing entity, Canada does maintain informal engagements with it. Recently, for example, Canada welcomed the visit of the sikyong, Penpa Tsering, and his delegation in May of this year. Canada has a long history of support for Tibetans, no matter who the party in power happens to be. The government began work to resettle some of the first Tibetan refugees in Canada in the 1970s. Over the past decade, the Government of Canada established special measures to facilitate the private sponsorship and immigration of up to 1,000 displaced Tibetans from India. Individuals were matched with sponsors through the Project Tibet Society, with the resettlement of 1,000 refugees completed in 2017. They contribute to our society. We welcome them and we encourage them to participate fully. The extensive human rights violations occurring in Tibet are vastly under-reported. Access to Tibet remains strictly controlled by the Chinese government. On the rare occasions when official visits are allowed, they are highly scripted. We were very keenly aware of that when our then ambassador to China, Dominic Barton, was allowed to visit Tibet in October 2020. He was able to visit the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, as well as the Shannan prefecture. While it was a tightly scripted visit, it was after five years of requesting we could have an ambassador get in and talk to Tibetan people about their aspirations. He gave our committee a very full report regarding what he saw and what he believed the Government of Canada should be doing. In Tibet, heavy investment in infrastructure is accompanied by heavy government surveillance and efforts to restrict the movement of people, religious practices and other freedoms of Tibetans. While official economic statistics may tell a story of growth, the reality is many Tibetans have faced persecution and remain exiled from their homeland. Canadian officials continue to raise concerns over the treatment of Tibetans, both publicly and privately with our Chinese counterparts, calling on the Government of China to uphold the human rights of Tibetans. In June 2021, Canada delivered a joint statement confronting and challenging China in the strongest of words on the human rights situation in Xinjiang at the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva. It was co-signed with 43 other countries and referenced the situation in Tibet. In March 2021, at the 46th session of Human Rights Council in Geneva, Canada expressed concerns over deeply troubling reports of deaths in custody of Tibetans. As part of China’s universal periodic review at the United Nations Human Rights Council in November 2018, Canada called on China to end prosecution and persecution on the basis of religion or belief, including for Muslims, Christians, Tibetan Buddhists and Falun Gong practitioners. We intend to support the continued challenge of China’s human rights record during its upcoming appearance in 2023 for the fourth universal periodic review. Canadian officials have advocated directly to Chinese authorities for unhindered access to the Tibet Autonomous Region for UN agencies, academics, researchers and foreign correspondents, as well as ongoing visits by other Canadian diplomats other than our most recent ambassador to China. We have also raised specific cases of concern for Tibetans detained in China directly by Chinese authorities. The situation for Tibetans in China remains serious and must never be forgotten by anyone in the House, and it will not be forgotten by the Government of Canada. Canada will continue to press for access to the Tibet Autonomous Region for the Tibetan people and speak out for their rights and their freedoms in their homeland and around the world. Canada remains seriously concerned by recent events in Tibet that demonstrate the urgent need for dialogue between China and Tibetan representatives to reach an early, peaceful and sustainable resolution. It is for this reason the Government of Canada supports the call for the resumption of the Sino-Tibetan dialogue process and is in full agreement with the report coming from the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development. The Sino-Tibetan dialogue came to an end in 2010 at China's behest. Reports indicate that, in 2010, China objected to the Dalai Lama's breaking the preconditions for the talks, which were attempts by the Tibetan side to incorporate into the negotiations representatives from the CTA, which was known as the Tibetan government-in-exile prior to 2011. As mentioned, China does not recognize the CTA. Second, China accused the Tibetan side of attempting to include discussions of autonomy for Tibet rather than solely focused on the TAR. We need dialogue on these issues. We need to respect the aspirations of the Tibetan people. We need to understand their needs for a unique identity within China. We recognize, with the one China policy, China's principal governance of the country of China. However, at the same time, we know that countries are better when they recognize minority rights and when they continue to call upon all of us to be our best. In closing, the need for dialogue is urgent. The situation of human rights in Tibet is grave. We will continue to raise our concerns with Chinese officials on these matters. We will call on China to respect its own laws and its international obligations at every opportunity. We support this report.
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  • Oct/31/22 6:52:09 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, I would simply reiterate that Canada's commitment to advancing nuclear disarmament is unwavering. Indeed, we were very aware and took very strong note of the first meeting of the state's parties of the TPNW. Important conversations were had. We are well aware of them, but with 191 states having joined the NPT in over 52 years of history, we are focused on continuing to strengthen that treaty regime. As I have outlined, we are working through long-standing partnerships, such as the non-proliferation and disarmament initiatives and, more recently, established the Stockholm initiative on nuclear disarmament. These are important multilateral bodies that are trying to make a difference to move the needle on this significant issue. The diverse membership of these groups is their strength. Canada will be there.
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  • Oct/31/22 6:46:56 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the member for Saanich—Gulf Islands for both her original question and her statements tonight. I want to be clear that Canada has always had a clear policy of disarmament, non-proliferation and peaceful use of nuclear energy. The 52-year-old Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the NPT, a treaty with near-universal adherence, is at the root of Canada's nuclear policy. It is also unquestionably the cornerstone of the international nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime. Canada clearly acknowledges the entry into force of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, the TPNW, last year, and the first meeting of the states parties in late June of this year. We understand and appreciate the sentiment behind the TPNW, but I will reiterate tonight that Canada is not a state party to this treaty, as several of its provisions are incompatible with our NATO commitments. NATO is a defensive alliance and, whether we like it or not, nuclear deterrence is currently a reality. However, we must and will continue efforts to strengthen the international arms control, non-proliferation and disarmament architecture. The best way to do that is through a step-by-step approach. Under the current framework of the NPT, Canada is a very active member of both the ministerial-level Stockholm initiative and the non-proliferation and disarmament initiative. These groupings are cross-regional and bring a variety of different but valuable perspectives. These groups put forward concrete proposals to advance nuclear disarmament, many of which were widely supported at the NPT review conference in August in New York. The Stockholm initiative in particular has served as a unifying force on nuclear disarmament. I have attended several meetings of the initiative and recognize that the short-term concrete actions recommended by the initiative have great potential to make real progress in our overall objective of a nuclear weapons-free world. This includes important risk-reduction measures that nuclear weapon states can take to reduce the risk of possible use of these weapons, which is all the more urgent given the current international context. Canada is and will remain an active participant in multilateral efforts to develop nuclear disarmament verification processes and capacity. We provide financial and expert support to the International Partnership for Nuclear Disarmament Verification and are part of the UN group of government experts on this issue. Co-operation in these fora on technical issues between nuclear and non-nuclear weapon states builds trust and confidence and lays the groundwork for future disarmament work. While the current international environment remains extremely difficult and even precarious, Canada will continue to take a constructive and ambitious approach to nuclear disarmament. Russia's obstructionism in international fora and its continual and reckless nuclear sabre-rattling pose a direct challenge to the rules-based international order of which the NPT is an integral part. Canada will work with all states, including TPNW proponents, to further our collective ambitions for nuclear disarmament. There is a wide range of views on how we can make progress on nuclear disarmament. I saw that first-hand when I met with groups of Canadian civil society leaders on this issue earlier this year. We are listening continually to advocates on the subject, but in light of the precarious international situation, Canada's approach will continue to be one that engages diverse stakeholders and attempts to value all perspectives. Creativity is needed in this field to overcome the stalemates and abuse of fair process by bad faith actors. We are committed to engaging in reform and refreshing our international system. With that in mind, Canada will continue to engage with a broad coalition of countries to push for a nuclear weapons-free world.
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  • Oct/3/22 4:04:54 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the member for Winnipeg North. It has been over 200 days since Russia's President Putin launched his illegal, unjustifiable and despicable invasion of Ukraine. With each day that passes, the number of civilians, including children, killed and wounded, now in the thousands, continues to climb. On a global scale, the consequences of Russia's military aggression are being felt by all. The war has contributed to rising food costs. The world is concerned about food supplies and energy insecurity. We see the consequences on populations, especially in the global south, which are the most vulnerable and the most affected. At the same time, Russia continues to weaponize its energy resources as tools for coercion. In Ukraine, as the battle continues, we are witnessing human rights violations, conflict-related sexual violence and the aftermath of brazen atrocities, including the recent discovery of mass graves in Izium. The ongoing destruction of Ukrainian infrastructure, including its energy grid and civilian infrastructure such as schools and hospitals, is of grave concern. However, the brave and resilient Ukrainian people continue to fight with extraordinary courage, passion and dignity for their country, their communities and their families. As has been said often in this House, Canada's ties with the people of Ukraine are historical, deep and important. That is why we were the first western country to recognize Ukraine's independence just over 30 years ago, and it is why we have been increasingly engaged in supporting its fragile democracy as it grows into and becomes the democratic country that we are now seeing emerge. We have also developed a strong diplomatic relationship fuelled by a passionate and engaged Ukrainian diaspora of over 1.4 million people in Canada. In 2014, thousands of Ukrainians stood up for a democratic future during the revolution of dignity. Canada supported the many activists, human rights defenders and civil society organizations that fought tirelessly for a free and democratic future. We continue to work with them today in response to Putin's brutality. Canada condemns the sham referendums that Russia organized in the Ukrainian regions of Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson, which were used as a basis for Putin's illegal annexation. They will not be respected, they are not valid and they are unjust. They are shams. These are phony exercises with predetermined results and have zero legitimacy. Ukraine's borders will not change. Let me be clear. Donetsk is Ukraine. Luhansk is Ukraine. Zaporizhzhia is Ukraine. Kherson is Ukraine. Crimea is Ukraine. Canada is clear. I think all of us in this House can agree on that, and we will continue to fight for that recognition around the world. Russia's sham referendums are a sign of Russia's weakness and proof of Ukraine's successful counteroffensive. They do not reflect the will of Ukrainian people. They are selective, they are illegal and they are a grave violation of international law. We reject Putin's attempts to rob Ukraine of its territory, of its history, of its sovereignty, of its democracy and of its independence. In response, Canada and the international community are ensuring that President Putin and his enablers answer for their actions. We are working around the clock to deliver comprehensive military, financial, humanitarian, stabilization and developmental assistance in support of Ukraine and its people. This year alone, Canada has committed over $3.4 billion in support to Ukraine, including $626 million in military assistance committed or delivered, with training to Ukrainian forces; $1.95 billion in new loan resources to support Ukraine's economic resilience; $320 million in humanitarian assistance; $96 million in development assistance; and over $41.5 million in security and stabilization programming to enhance Ukrainian resilience and resistance, including vital support for demining, countering disinformation and initiatives to advance accountability and justice for human rights violations. There is not only money in our support for Ukraine. Canada is also stepping up through its comprehensive immigration response, which offers Ukrainians and their family members extended temporary status; an expedited plan for permanent residency through a family sponsorship program; and support for the International Criminal Court, the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe's Moscow mechanism, and Ukraine's case against Russia at the International Court of Justice in order to hold Russia accountable. Pursuing accountability and justice for victims, as well as supporting investigations into war crimes and crimes against humanity, is part of our ongoing work, and we are announcing a $1-million contribution to the International Criminal Court to support its investigation into the sexual violence and conflict-related crimes against children. These are non-partisan issues. This is the way we as Canadians want to support Ukraine, want to stand up to a bully named Putin and want to defend the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. In addition to direct support to Ukraine and its people, Canada is focused on holding Putin, his regime and those abetting him accountable and placing economic and political pressure on them to stop the war. We have imposed sanctions since just February on over 1,400 individuals and entities in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine, and we were the first among our partners on the seizure and forfeiture of the assets of sanctioned individuals and entities. We announced our most recent round of sanctions just last week in response to Russia's sham referendums and the annexation efforts. Never has the community of democracies, NATO allies and others who support our endeavours and efforts in Ukraine been stronger. We are indivisible, strong, united and concerted, and I hope the House continues to stay that way as well. Canada and our partners are making a principled response to Russia's war of choice because we need to uphold the rules-based international system, and Canada is working to maintain and maximize a high level of multilateral unity within the broader international community. We are recognized as leaders in this field. We will continue to do it. We will continue to call like-minded and not so like-minded countries together so we can endeavour to hold Russia accountable as we continue to support Ukraine and its people. Ukraine is a brave and strong country, and it is resilient, but it needs help. It will continue to be free, prosperous and independent with the world guarding its back and keeping it in mind at every step. We will also work with our allies and across the international community to protect the systems and structures that we have all protected and strengthened for decades. These are the cornerstones, not only of democracy but of our security and the way we need to act as a world of like-minded countries. Together with the international community, and working with Ukraine's President Zelenskyy, we continue to call on President Putin to end this war, to get out of Ukraine, to stop the violence and to respect humanity, borders and the people of Ukraine. We call on him to withdraw his troops and equipment from Ukraine and to turn to good-faith diplomacy. We recognize that there are limits to diplomacy, and that is why we continue to help the military operations in Ukraine through equipment, support and training. However, we also know that our world is best served by diplomatic solutions, by working the ways of peace and by engaging as Canadians would have us engage in the world. Today we stand, I believe, united in condemning Russia and supporting Ukraine. Today we stand united in refusing to recognize these fake, false and sham-like referenda, and we will continue to stand with the people of Ukraine this day and every day. It is not only because we support Ukraine; these are Canadian values at work in our world, and we will continue to do that.
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  • Oct/3/22 3:59:30 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for his speech. I thought it was thoughtful and important and added to the dignity of this House. In the member's closing remark, he talked about the importance of ensuring that no country in the world accepts the illegal annexation of those four territories. Is he then implying that it would be important for us to maintain our links with allies on everything to ensure that we are in concert with all our allies on issues? I raise the issue of Gazprom on that point and making sure that we are working in concert with our allies not only on the non-recognition of these illegally annexed territories, but on every other issue that we need to share our energy on.
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  • May/19/22 3:09:33 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the ongoing and unwavering commitment of this member as well. Nuclear proliferation is a concern to all Canadians. We are very well aware of this. We are well aware of the various multilateral fora that are working on this issue. We will continue to monitor them every day because we know that a nuclear war can never be won and should never be fought.
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  • May/19/22 3:08:26 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the hon. member for Edmonton Strathcona for her commitment and leadership on this very important issue. Canada shares in its unwavering commitment towards a world free of nuclear weapons. We agree that we need to stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons in all places at all times. While we acknowledge that the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons reflects well-founded concerns about the unacceptably slow pace of global disarmament, our concern right now and our focus is on working with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the NPT, and on the Stockholm initiative for nuclear disarmament. We will continue to engage in all multilateral fora.
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  • Apr/1/22 12:03:42 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague from Bourassa for his important work. This morning, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and her counterpart from Belize co-chaired a meeting of the foreign ministers of CARICOM. They talked about security and stability in Haiti and Nicaragua, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and the steps being taken to address climate change and COVID-19. These meetings are essential for Canada and the world.
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