44th Parl. 1st Sess.
February 9, 2023 10:00AM
- Feb/9/23 10:30:45 a.m.
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Mr. Speaker, before asking my colleague a question, I would like to remind him of two things.
First, he does not have a monopoly on speaking for the Quebec nation. Fortunately, that honour is shared by many of my colleagues in the House. Second, I hope that he also shares the vision of the French philosopher Camus, who reminded us that democracy is not the law of the majority, but the protection of the minority. I am sure that his colleague from Jonquière reminds him of that from time to time.
With respect to invoking the notwithstanding clause, there have been several cases of misuse in recent years. We saw that in Saskatchewan and Ontario recently. The government attacked the unions and workers' rights by pre-emptively and inappropriately invoking the notwithstanding clause.
Does my colleague agree with me that, as progressives, our first duty is to set guidelines for the use of the notwithstanding clause in order to prevent attacks on workers' right to freedom of association and to collective bargaining?
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- Feb/9/23 11:28:10 a.m.
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Mr. Speaker, on that note, the member says the Conservatives will always stand for the freedom and rights of Canadians. Would that very same principle he spoke about apply also to the Province of Ontario when it did a pre-emptive use of the notwithstanding clause to limit labour negotiations? Does he believe that was an appropriate use of the notwithstanding clause by Ontario, in its pre-emptive way?
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- Feb/9/23 12:50:11 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, it is with great pleasure that I rise today as the member of Parliament for Aurora—Oak Ridges—Richmond Hill to speak to this very important issue. The Canadian Charter and Rights and Freedoms is such a fundamental part of who we are and Canadian values.
I wanted to start by reading a few quotes from the origins of the Bills of Rights, with John Diefenbaker, up until now. The Hon. John Diefenbaker said:
I am Canadian, a free Canadian, free to speak without fear, free to worship God in my own way, free to stand for what I think right, free to oppose what I believe wrong, free to choose those who govern my country. This heritage of freedom I pledge to uphold for myself and all mankind.
That was in 1960, as we know, when the Bill of Rights was first introduced.
The right hon. Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, back in 1981, prior to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, said:
We must now establish the basic principles, the basic values and beliefs which hold us together as Canadians so that beyond our regional loyalties there is a way of life and a system of values which make us proud of the country that has given us such freedom and such immeasurable joy.
More recently, on the 40th anniversary of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, April 17, 2022, our current Prime Minister eloquently stated:
The Charter protects the rights and freedoms that define who we are as Canadians, allowing us to express our individuality and celebrate our differences. Built around our shared values of equality, justice, and freedom, it brings us closer as a country and as a people – and it makes Canada a place of choice for people from across the globe to raise a family.
I know that so many of the constituents in my riding value these rights and freedoms and the fact that they are enshrined in our Constitution.
It is with concern that I hear this opposition motion, and I am concerned that we are talking about the use of the pre-emptive resort and the increasing use by provinces, certain provinces, of the notwithstanding clause of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in an attempt to short-circuit our courts from determining whether provincial legislation violates constitutionally enshrined fundamental rights and freedoms, as well as to avoid public debate on the issues.
We have recently seen in Ontario the Keeping Students in Class Act, which is not very aptly named in my mind, but which would, if enacted by the legislature, effectively remove the right to collective bargaining, a right protected by section 2 of the charter, which guarantees freedom of association. That is the use of the notwithstanding clause.
Many of the speakers today have talked about the increase in the use of this clause. When the Charter of Rights and Freedoms was entrenched as part of the Constitution Act of 1982, Canadians were proud to see fundamental rights and freedoms constitutionally guaranteed and protected, including freedom of conscience and religion; freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression; freedom of peaceful assembly; and freedom of association.
It includes legal rights, including the right to life, liberty and security of the person; rights guaranteeing the quality before and under the law; and rights guaranteeing equal protection and equal benefit of that law. Of course, these rights are subject to such reasonable limits proscribed by law, as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society. That is provided in section 1 of the charter.
The advent of the charter 40 years ago was a milestone in the protection of fundamental rights in Canada, and I believe that it put Canada on the map for human rights protection. Part of it was the inspiration of the Bill of Rights, as I have already mentioned, pioneered by the Hon. John Diefenbaker.
It was a quasi-constitutional statute, deserving of a large and liberal interpretation, but it was simply a federal statute nonetheless, and the courts were cautious in applying it, particularly in a context of parliamentary sovereignty, where a future parliament could undo the handiwork of an earlier parliament by enacting new legislation inconsistent with the earlier legislation.
The tension between protecting fundamental rights and recognizing the continued sovereignty of Parliament was reflected in section 2 of the Canadian Bill of Rights, which provides:
Every law of Canada shall, unless it is expressly declared by an Act of the Parliament of Canada that it shall operate notwithstanding the Canadian Bill of Rights, be so construed and applied as not to abrogate, abridge or infringe or to authorize the abrogation, abridgment or infringement of any of the rights or freedoms herein recognized and declared
In other words, the Bill of Rights stated that laws enacted by Parliament were to be interpreted and applied in a manner that would not abridge or infringe on the rights and freedoms recognized and affirmed by the Bill of Rights, unless Parliament expressly declared that the law should operate notwithstanding the Bill of Rights.
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms goes much further in the protection of human rights and establishes a better balance between such protection and legislative action. By section 1, the charter constitutionally guarantees the rights set out in it, subject only to the reasonable limits clause. It ensures a respectful democratic dialogue can take place between Parliament and the provincial legislatures, on the one hand, and the courts of justice, on the other, within the scope and limits of guaranteed rights and freedoms.
However, in the political compromise that led to the final form of the charter in November 1981, a notwithstanding clause that echoed section 2 of the Canadian Bill of Rights was grafted onto the charter in section 33. That clause provides:
Parliament or the legislature of a province may expressly declare in an Act of Parliament or of the legislature, as the case may be, that the Act or a provision thereof shall operate notwithstanding a provision included in section 2 or sections 7 to 15 of this Charter.
Those are the provisions guaranteeing fundamental freedoms, legal rights and equality rights.
Many commentators have noted, and I agree, that it was a heavy price to pay to achieve substantial consensus among the provinces to move ahead with the patriation of the Constitution and the entrenchment of our Charter of Rights. However, politics is the art of the possible, and this was what was possible and necessary to achieve the consensus.
Section 52 of the Constitution Act, 1982, declares, “The Constitution of Canada is the supreme law of Canada”. Parliament and the provincial legislatures derive their powers and authority from the Constitution and from no other source, as the Supreme Court underscored in the secession reference in 1998. We have constitutional supremacy rather than parliamentary supremacy in Canada, as well as a political culture that values fundamental rights, democratic debate and the rulings of our courts as guardians of the Constitution. Parliament and the legislatures are sovereign within the spheres of authority allocated to them by the Constitution and within the limits of the charter's guarantees.
Section 33 of the charter was conceived as a tool of last, not first, resort. It was rarely invoked for many years, but it has become much more common. However, it should only be contemplated in the most extraordinary circumstances.
Our government has made it consistently clear that it has serious concerns with the pre-emptive use of the notwithstanding clause by provincial governments, and we are considering various options. We are firmly committed to defending the rights and freedoms protected by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In the dialogue between Parliament and the courts, the first word should not be the last.
Although the use of the notwithstanding clause is legal, it has serious consequences because it has the effect of suspending legal protections guaranteed by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and these are basic values that I believe all Canadians share.
We believe that a government that uses a remedy of this magnitude must set out the exceptional circumstances that justify the suspension of these legal protections. Our government is concerned when governments use it in a pre-emptive manner before the debate has begun or the courts have ruled. This is not, in our respectful view, in keeping with Canadian values of democracy and the rights of the individual.
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- Feb/9/23 1:04:16 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, I listened carefully to my colleague's speech. Time and time again, she talked about the importance and beauty of freedom and equality.
Indeed, I agree with that. Just because we use the notwithstanding clause does not mean that we undermine freedom. I will give an example. The law that created the Court of Quebec's youth division states that it is not open to the public. It discriminates between youth and adults, but that is precisely how we protect the youth.
Does the use of the notwithstanding clause in that case undermine the freedom, equity and beauty which can be observed in Quebec and the rest of Canada? Where does my colleague draw the line? For what subjects should a line be drawn?
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- Feb/9/23 1:50:27 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, my question for the member opposite is this. He seems to be very offended by the violation of charter rights and freedoms by all kinds of other levels of government. What would he say about his own government and the continual attacks on freedom of expression, freedom of religion, mobility rights and the like?
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- Feb/9/23 4:13:44 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, it is an important topic that we are discussing today. What I have seen over the last few years has really worried me as an Ontario member of Parliament and as a lawyer, watching the Ford government in Ontario and its pre-emptive use of the notwithstanding clause. The interesting thing, though, is that at the same time we hear members of the Conservative Party say they are concerned about our government's actions on certain legislation. They say these actions impact freedom of expression, and if we are talking about measures that had to be taken during the pandemic, other rights within the charter.
As the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Canadian Heritage, I listened to this alternate debate that did not exist in any type of reality saying that the government was engaged in censorship, which is patently false. However, the Conservatives worry about free speech and freedom of expression under section 2 of the charter. I stand with them. This is a fundamental right and freedom that Canadians have under the charter.
However, the silence was deafening when, in 2018, just a couple of months after the Ford government got elected, it pre-emptively invoked the notwithstanding clause. That was the first time it did so. The Ontario government did not wait or go through to the Supreme Court. The court did not hear it. What legislation did it do this on? It did it on an elections bill. The Ford government did it to prevent the court from finding that there was a violation of freedom of expression.
It was interesting to me at the time that from the so-called champions of freedom of speech and freedom of expression on the other side, the silence was deafening. We did not hear anything. The Conservatives were not willing to criticize a fellow Conservative government. I can understand that they are political allies and friends with Queen's Park. However, on preventing a court from finding a violation of free speech in an elections act a few months before the election, there was silence. Where were those champions of the charter? It eventually went to the courts, and the Ford government did pull back from that the first time.
The second time, it did the same thing. The provincial government picked on vulnerable education workers. It picked on the rights of workers as guaranteed by the charter. Again, from the Conservatives, there was absolute silence. Where were the champions of freedom of expression at that point?
We had a member rise today to ask a question comparing the rights of the LGBT community to the rights of individuals under COVID. It was shocking to me that this would even come into the Conservative lexicon to compare those two rights together. Again I ask, where are the champions for actual rights that are being violated?
During the occupation of this city, we heard Conservatives time and time again. Especially after the invocation of the Emergencies Act, they said this was a violation of the charter, even though the Emergencies Act does not violate the charter. It did not remove any rights, but member after member claimed it did.
Once again, a few months after the fact, the Ontario government moved against workers and against custodians and educational support workers, who are the lowest-paid workers in our education system. Where was the Conservative Party, which claims to stand up for working people? There was deafening silence as the notwithstanding clause was again invoked pre-emptively by the Province of Ontario.
I do not know if, when they get up to talk about freedom expression, the Conservatives appreciate the irony that they sit on the sidelines when the notwithstanding clause is used in Ontario. It is disappointing. It is good that Ontarians stood up and the Ford government was forced to back down from that, because again, these were the most vulnerable workers in the education sector.
I would hope that all members in this place would stand up for our rights. These things are fundamentally important. We all stand here and condemn violations of other countries. I would hope to think that every member here supports that the rights of Canadians are guaranteed. I think we should express concern when those rights come under threat. Yes, the notwithstanding clause exists in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, but to use it pre-emptively is to take away any debate, any discussion, any opportunity for the courts to step in and protect people's rights.
There is an acknowledgement within the charter that our rights are not absolute. The classic example that we are taught in law school on freedom of expression or freedom of speech is that we cannot yell “fire” in a crowded theatre. We would say that is understandable because it could lead to danger or harm; people could get killed. It is a criminal offence. The charter speaks to that in section 1 in terms of reasonable limits. It “guarantees the rights and freedoms set out in it subject only to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.” The courts evaluate that through the Oakes test, and many a forest has been plowed down to make paper for all of the decisions on the Oakes test.
As a society, as a court, we have moved back and forth on what those reasonable limits are; we are still debating what these limits are in a free and democratic society. Any government that steps up to invoke the notwithstanding clause is looking at section 1 and saying that our legislation is not reasonably and demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society and that we need to put aside section 1 of the charter and the rest of it. This is surprising to me, as a lawyer and someone who likes to study history, as we look back and see these rights that have been hard fought and won.
As I mentioned, the member was trying to compare the rights of the LGBT community to those people, I assume, who had to wear a mask during a plane ride or those of us who could not leave the country because there was a global pandemic. This is disgusting, but that is what happened. Those rights were hard fought over decades. We saw the Prime Minister stand and give an apology, and we could see the victims of government abuse targeted the LGBT community in this place. It took 40-plus years to acknowledge the trauma that a government inflicted upon them. It was moving and touching, but those rights were hard fought over decades to come back and ensure that those rights are now enshrined in the charter. Even though it does not say “members of the LGBT community”, we know, and the court has found those rights in section 15.
This is an important debate, and I hope all members of this house stand for the rights of this country and for the rights that can be reasonably and demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.
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